From Benjamin Franklin: Convention Speech on Proportionate
Representation (unpublished)
It has given me great Pleasure to observe that till this Point,
the Proportion of Representation, came before us, our Debates were
carry’d on with great Coolness and Temper. If any thing of a
contrary kind has on this Occasion appeared, I hope it will not be
repeated; for we are sent hither to consult, not to contend, with
each other; and Declaration of a fix’d Opinion and of determined
Resolutions never to change it; neither enlighten nor convince us.
Positiveness and Warmth on one Side naturally beget their like on
the other; and tend to create and augment Discord, and Division,
in a great Concern, wherein Harmony and Union are extremely
necessary, to give Weight to our Counsels, and render them
effectual in promoting and securing the common Good.
I must own that I was originally of Opinion it would be better
if every Member of Congress, or our national Council, were to
consider himself rather as a Representative of the Whole, than as
an Agent for the Interests of a particular State, in which Case
the Proportion of Members for each State would be of less
Consequence, and it would not be very material whether they voted
by States or individually. But I find as this is not [to] be
expected, I now think the Number of Representatives should bear
some Proportion to the Number of the Represented, and that the
Decisions should be by the Majority of Members, not by the
Majority of States. This is objected to, from an Apprehension that
the greater States would then swallow up the Smaller. I do not at
present clearly see what Advantage the greater States could
propose to themselves by swallowing the smaller and therefore do
not apprehend they would attempt it. I recollect that in the
Beginning of this Century, when the Union was propos’d of the two
Kingdoms, England and Scotland, the Scoth Patriots were full of
Fears, that unless they had an equal Number of Representatives in
Parliament they should be ruined by the Superiority of the
English. They finally agreed however that the different
Proportions of Importance in the Union, of the two Nations should
be attended to, whereby they were to have only Forty Members in
the House of Commons, and only Sixteen of their Peers were to sit
in the House of Lords, A very great Inferiority of Numbers! And
yet to this Day I do not recollect that any thing has been done in
the Parliament of Great Britain to the Prejudice of Scotland; and
whoever looks over the Lists of Public Officers Civil and Military
of that Nation will find, I believe that the North Britons enjoy
at least their full proportion of Emolument.
But, Sir, in the present Mode of Voting by States, it is equally
in the Power of the lesser States to swallow up the greater; and
this is mathematically demonstrable. Suppose, for example, that 7
Smaller States had each 3 Members in the House, and the Six larger
to have one with another 6 Members. And that upon a Question, two
Members of each smaller State should be in the Affirmative, and
one in the Nagative, they will make
It is then apparent that the 14 carry the Question against the 41,
and the Minority overpowers the Majority, contrary to the common
Practice of Assemblies in all Countries and Ages.
The greater States, Sir, are naturally as unwilling to have
their Property left in the Disposition of the smaller, as the
smaller are to leave theirs in the Disposition of the greater. An
honourable Gentleman has to avoid this Difficulty, hinted a
Proposition of equalizing the States. It appears to me an
equitable one, and I should for my own Part, not be against such a
Measure, if it might be found practicable. Formerly, indeed, when
almost every province had a different Constitution some with
greater others with fewer Privileges, it was of Importance to the
Borderers when their Boundaries were contested, whether, by
running the Division Lines they were placed on one Side or the
other. At present when such Differences are done away, it is less
material. The Interest of a State is made up of the Interests of
its individual Members. If they are not injured, the State is not
injured. Small States are more easily well and happily governed
than large ones. If therefore in such an equal Division, it should
be found necessary to diminish Pennsylvania, I should not be
averse to the giving a Part of it to N. Jersey, and another to
Delaware; But as there would probably be considerable Difficulties
in adjusting such a Division; and however equally made at first,
it would be continually varying by the Augmentation of Inhabitants
in some States and their more fixed proportion in others; and
thence frequent Occasion for new Divisions; I beg leave to propose
for the Consideration of the Committee another Mode, which appears
to me, to be as equitable, more easily carry’d into Practice, and
more permanent in its Nature.
Let the weakest State say what Proportion of Money or Force it
is able and willing to furnish for the general Purposes of the
Union.
Let all the others oblige themselves to furnish, even an equal
Proportion.
The whole of these joins Supplies to be absolutely in the
Disposition of Congress.
The Congress in this Case to be compos’d of an equal Number of
Delegates from each State:
And their Decisions to be by the Majority of individual Members
voting.
If these joint and equal Supplies should on particular Occasions
not be sufficient, Let Congress make Requisitions on the richer
and more powerful States for farther Aids, to be voluntarily
afforded; leaving to each State the Right of considering the
Necessity and and Utility of the Aid desired, and of giving more
or less as it should be found proper.
This Mode is not new; it formerly was practic’d with Success by
the British Government, with respect to Ireland and the Colonies.
We sometimes gave even more than they expected or thought just to
accept; and in the last War, carried on while we were united, they
gave us back in 5 Years a Million Sterling. We should probably
have continu’d such voluntary Contributions, whenever the
Occasions appear’d to require them for the common Good of the
Empire: It was not till they chose to force us, and to deprive us
of the Merit and Pleasure of voluntary Contributions, that we
refus’d and resisted. Those Contributions however were to be
dispos’d of at the Pleasure of a Government in which we had no
Representative. I am therefore persuaded that they will not be
refus’d to one in which the Representation shall be equal.
My learned Colleague has already mentioned that the present
Method of voting by States, was submitted to originally by
Congress, under a Conviction of its Impropriety, Inequality and
Injustice. This appears in the Words of their Resolution. It is of
Sept. 6. 1774. The Words are
“Resolved, That in determining Questions in this Congress, each
Colony or Province shall have one Vote: The Congress not being
possessed of or at present able to procure Materials for
ascertaining the Importance of each Colony.”