March 31. 1783. London.
I send you a Paper entiled Supplemental Treaty, the Substance of
which I sent you some time ago, as I read it, in part of a Speech
in the H. of Commons. I have given a Copy of it to M. L, as the
Grounds upon which my Friend the D. of P:wd: have wished that any
Administration in which he might have taken a Part should have
treated with the American Ministers. All Negociations for the
Formation of a Ministry in concert with the D. of P. are at an
End.
The 10th. Article which is supposed to be refered to the
definitive Treaty, is a Renewal of the same Proposition which I
moved in Parliament some Years ago, viz on the 9th. of april 1778.
I see nothing inconsistent with that Proposition either in the
Declaration of Independence or in the Treaty with France, let it
therefore remain, and emerge after the War as a point untouch’t by
the War. I assure you my Consent should not be wanting to extend
this Principle between all the Nations upon Earth. I know full
well that those Nations to which you and I are bound by birth and
Consanguinity would reap the earliest fruits from it. Owing no man
hate and envying no Man’s happiness, I should rejoice in the Lot
of my own Country and on her part say to ——— to America, nos duo
turba Sumus. I send you likewise enclosed with this some
Sentiments respecting the Principles of some late Negociations
drawn up in the Shape of Parliamentary Motions by my Brother, who
joins with me in sincerest Good wishes to you for health and
Happiness. and for the Peace of our respective Countries and of
Mankind. Your ever affectionate.
1st. That it is the Opinion of this House, that whenever Great
Britain thought proper to acknoledge the Independence of America
the Mode of putting it into Effect most honorably for this Country
would have been to have made the Declaration of Independence
previous to the Commencement of any Treaty with any other Power.
2nd. That a Deviation from this Line of Conduct has the effect of
appearing to grant the Independence of America solely to the
Demands of the House of Bourbon, and not, as was the real State of
the Case, from a Change in the Sentiments of this Country, as to
the object and Continuance of the American War.
3d. That when this House, by its Vote against the further
Prosecution of offensive War in America, had Given up the Point of
Context and adopted a conciliatory Disposition, the pursuing those
Principles by an immediate and liberal Negociation, upon the Basis
of Independence, at the same time expressing a Readiness to
conclude a general Peace with the allies of America upon honorable
Terms, Would have been the most likely Way to promote a mutual and
beneficial Intercourse between the two Countries—to establish
Peace upon a firm Foundation, and would have prevented the House
of Bourbon from having a Right to claim any farther Obligation
from America, as the assisters of their Independence.
4th. That the Minister who advised the late Negociations for Peace
has neglected to make use of the Advantages which the
Determination of the House put him in Possession of, That, by his
Delay in authorising Persons properly to negociate with the
American Commissioners, he has shown a Reluctance to acting upon
the liberal Principles of granting Independence to America as the
Determination of Great Britain upon mature Consideration of the
Question, and has by such Methods given advantages to the Enemies
of this Country to promote and confirm that Commerce and Connexion
between the United States of America and themselves, which during
the Contest have been turned from their natural Channel with this
Country and which this Peace so concluded has not yet contributed
to Restore.