From Granville Sharp (unpublished)
Leadenhall Street London 10 January 1787
Dear Sir

Lest you should not yet have received a Copy of the 2d Edition of my Tract on Congregational Courts (to which a compleat Index has been added since the first Edition) I have requested Colonel Forest to forward to you a Copy of it, together with a Copy of my Tracts on a free Militia.

I had hoped that the number of these Tracts which I have sent to America at different times lately, would have convinced the intelligent British Americans (for whose welfare and Happiness I have the utmost regard) that the mode of establishing a steady, united, and active free-Government is not so difficult as the late Conventions seem to have apprehended. I am thoroughly sensible, indeed, of the great abilities, intelligence, experience and unquestionable integrity of many of the Members of that respectable Assembly and am fully persuaded that they acted with the purest intentions for the public Good; and yet I must lament a prepossession of sentiment, which seems to have occasioned much more difficulty and perplexity in their deliberations than the business required; I mean the Idea they have entertained concerning the supposed necessity of a balance of power by 3 Estates, like our imaginary balances in Europe, which contain too much refinement of system to be easily preserved from corruption: for notwithstanding our European zeal for Liberty, (which flames sometimes even in France) yet Statesmen and Time-Servers have generally succeeded in juggling all the political weight and power into one of the Scales (the Monarchies throughout all Europe, as long foretold! So that our triple System of balance is by no means worthy of imitation: but a perfect Frankpledge, in numerical Division of the people, would necessarily contain in itself an effectual balance of power, actuated only by the United Will (after deliberate consultation) of the Majority of Householders throughout all the associated Provinces: for the several Officers of the Executive Power in Frankpledge are duly limited by the sense of the majority in the Common Council of their own respective Divisions, even in the meanest Tithing, as well as by the Courts of all the superior Divisions, in which they are gradually included from the Hundred Court up to the Provincial Assembly and the Highest Officer, the President of all the United Assemblies, can h[ave] no effective Will or Power but according to the determination of the great Common Council of all the States; and his delegated power must cease of course at the end of every general Session.

Thus Frankpledge preserves an effectual balance of power without the least risque of raising up any of those aristocratical   and distinctions among Men, which (like the Senatorial and Equestrian Orders of ancient Rome, and modern Holland) have too frequently effected the utter ruin of all Nations that have admitted them; Nay, the almost unavoidable effect of such distinctions is the fostering of pride and idleness, and the promoting of Standing Armies for the maintenance of both! Nevertheless I have great consolation in observing that the late American Convention has left a fair opening for the introduction of Frankpledge by proposing “an actual enumeration” of “the whole number of free persons”, (Article Sect. 2) in order to ascertain the due proportion of the respective Representations. Now, the shortest and surest mode of effect the proposed “actual enumeration” is undoubtedly by numerical Divisions of the people in Frankpledge, which if once fully established (provided also, it be duly maintained) will render any, even the worst, form of Government, not only safe and limited with respect to the rights of the associated people, [but] also strong and energetic towards Foreigners. For Frankpledge tho’ it was really the fundamental Law of our once limited Monar[chy] is certainly equally applicable, also, to a free Commonwealth; for it contains in reality the true principles of the Commonwealth of Israel under the Theocracy, a glorious System, which there is ample reason to hope will be much more gloriously restored here[after] when one Government (“the Kingdom of God”) shall “fill the whole earth,” and effectually “destroy the destroyers of the earth” and all the corrupted hateful Systems of Despotism and Oppression.”

The great Extent of the American Territories affords no just Argument against the practicability of an effectual Union of all the parts, by One Government, on the System of Frankpledge; for I am thoroughly persuaded that even all the Nations of the world might be united in Frankpledge for Common Defence and peace, so as to form, from the whole, one active and efficient balance of power sufficiently capable of controuling any partial iniquity and violence in the several parts, and of maintaining the world in peace! The preceding remark justified the idea of such a balance of power, and the practicability of it.

My Attempts to establish a free Government by Frankpledge at Sierra Leona on the Coast of Africa have indeed, been much frustrated by the wickedness and gross intemperance of the Settlers themselves, both White and Black! But I am not without hopes of succeeding at last. The Rum, which with the best intentions, was allowed by Government for the comfort and support of the people during their Voyage, unhappily besotted both Whites and Blacks! and occasioned the loss of many lives, which loss has been unjustly attributed to the Climate of Africa. But more than 50 persons died even before the Ships reached Plymouth from the Thames; and many more perished (chiefly in consequence of intemperance) before they reached the African Coast; and others were lost by the commencement of the rainy season before any sufficient accommodations could be made to shelter and preserve the people! However, near 200 of the Settlers still remain on the Coast, where they have purchased an extent (20 Miles in length on the Banks of the River Sierra Leona, and 20 Miles broad) of a very fine Hill-Country, well supplyed with—perpetual streams of fresh Water, a rich soil, Stately Woods and a great variety of vegetation. You have already received, (in M.S.S.) a part of the Regulations which the Settlers adopted; and I intended to have reserved for you a compleat printed Copy of them, but afterwards I lost it by lending it to some person to read, after I had given away all the rest of the impression. However I have now sent you a new Edition tho’ it is not yet compleatly printed off.

The Scheme of forming a staple paper Currency, not liable to depreciation, by circulating Indents for free-labour   of Cash, I believe might be practicable even in America; however at all events, I wish that the States of America would be ca[lled] to reserve (before it is too late) a sufficient proportion of Land around every Town and Village; as it is the only effective means of providing sustenance for the laborious poor, a means? which in England, we have unhappily lost, and thereby   Rates for the poor are become almost insupportable: because the Wages for ordinary labour, will not support the Labor without the aid of a few Acres of Cottage Land to raise provisions. I remain with great esteem, Dear Sir Your most obedient humble Servant

Granville Sharp

The Right Honble. Benjamin Franklin Esqr
Governor of the State of Pennsylvania
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