Marginalia in Protests of the Lords against Repeal of the Stamp Act: (II)
msnotations in the margins of a copy of Second Protest, with a List of Voters against the Bill to Repeal the American Stamp Act, of Last Session. A Paris, Chez J. W. Imprimeur, Rue du Colombier Fauxbourg St. Germain, à l’Hotel de Saxe. 1766, the property of Boies Penrose, Devon, Pa., 1968.
Die Lunae, 17º Martii, 1766

The Order of the Day being read for the third reading of the Bill, entituled An Act to repeal an act made in the last session of parliament, entituled, An Act for granting and applying certain stamp duties, and other duties in the British Colonies and Plantations in America,...Then the said Bill was read a third Time, and it being proposed to pass the Bill, the same was objected to. After some Debate thereupon, the Question was put, Whether the said Bill shall pass: it was resolved in the Affirmative.

First.

Dissentient, [because the protesting lords think that the Declaratory Bill passed last week] cannot possibly obviate the growing mischiefs in America, where it may seem calculated only to deceive the people of Great Britain, by holding forth a delusive and nugatory affirmance of the Legislative Right of this Kingdom,

[bf:] It is indeed a nugatory Affirmance and we Americans are oblig’d to your Lo[rdshi]ps for justifying our Esteeming it such.   If you had such Right before it was unnecessary. If not, you could not give your selves a Right you had not, without our Consent.

whilst the enacting part of it does no more than abrogate the Resolutions of the House of Representatives in the North American Colonies, [bf: It cannot abrogate them] which have not in themselves the least colour of authority; and declares, that which is apparently and certainly criminal, only null and void [bf: neither].

[bf:] I beg your Lps. Pardon. They are only declaratory of their own Opinion of their own Rights, and are certainly authentic; they may indeed like this Act be null and void or as your Lps. call it nugatory. But I should think by no means criminal.
Secondly.

[Because the particular objections made to the Stamp Act in America and adopted in the course of the debates on the repealing bill are contradicted by undeniable evidence before us] First, that all the money to be collected by this Tax was to be annually remitted hither, and that the North American Colonies would thereby be drained of all their specie;

[bf:] Particular Colonies drained, all drained, as it would all come home. Those that were to pay most of the Tax would have least of it spent at home. It must go to the conquer’d Colonies. The View of Maps deceives.

and Secondly, That the institution of Vice Admiralty Courts in those Colonies, for the recovery of Penalties upon Revenue Laws without Juries, is a novel practice, [whereby the colonists would be deprived of trial by jury, “one of their most valuable Liberties,” and would thereby be distinguished from fellow subjects in Britain;]

[bf:] Talk with Bollan on this Head. Query, Courts of Common Law.

[In reference to the first of these objections, it appears that the Treasury had ordered that the revenue to be raised by the act was to be paid over directly] to the Deputy Pay-master in America, to defray the subsistence of the troops, and any military expences incurred in the colonies.

[bf:] America not a Village; may not England be drain’d by a War in Germany, tho’ the Money still in Europe.

[In reference to the second objection, sundry acts of Parliament show that a jurisdiction has been assigned to the judges of the Admiralty Courts] for the recovery of penalties upon the Laws of Revenue and of Trade, without Juries for near a century past [and in some colonies these Admiralty judges] are the only Judges not elected by the people:

[bf:] All a Breach of the Constitution. Juries better to be trusted. Have rather an Interest in suppressing Smugglers. Nature of Smuggling. It is Picking of Pockets. All Oppressions take their Rise from some Plea of Utility, often in Appearance only.

[The Americans are far from being distinguished by being deprived of trials by jury, for the laws regarding stamp duties in Great Britain provide that penalties are to be] recoverable also without a Jury, before two Justices of the Peace, with the like Powers in both cases;

[bf:] Gentlemen of Property, and Character. No Profit. Arguing from one Evil to another.

[the Lords are glad to learn, moreover, that the Treasury reported on July 4 last a plan to erect] three different Courts of Vice Admiralty at the most convenient Places [in America], with proper Districts annexed to each; and to give the Judges sufficient and Honorable Salaries in lieu of all poundage and fees whatsoever;

[bf:] well intended.

[The Lords observe with concern and surprise that this representation was incorporated in a clause in the Stamp Act, and was expressly calculated to relieve the American subjects] from many unnecessary hardships and oppressions, to which they are now liable by many other Laws still subsisting

[bf:] Query, What were the particulars. Ask Mr. Cooper.

[but that this arrangement] should be totally disregarded for several months, and be suffered to remain unexecuted in every part of it even to this day; [and no notice of this plan has been sent to the governors, although the matter had been fully “opened and approved in Parliament” when the Stamp Act was proposed;] and as the total neglect of it has given occasion to great Clamour and Dissatisfaction in the Colonies.

[bf:] An Excuse however, for the Colonies. Repeat all the other Articles of Excuse.

[The Stamp Act was not to take place until November 1; if Parliament had been summoned early] their determinations, either for enforcing or repealing that Law, would probably have delivered the Merchants and Manufacturers here from all the difficulties and distress to which they have been for so many months exposed; nor would the disorders in America, where all government is prostrate, have risen to so great a height, or taken so deep a root.

[bf:] They were risen to the highest Pitch before any Advice of Parli[amenta]ry Proceedings could have reach’d them, tho’ the Parl[iamen]t had met in Novr. as usual.
Thirdly.

[Because the argument is “extremely ill founded” that the experiment of a Stamp Act has failed; if it had been properly tried] with the same zeal for its success with which it was first proposed, it would not have failed in any of the Colonies: and that this was the opinion of the greater part of the Governors in North America;

[bf:] Their Opinion not to be relied on.

and of many of the most intelligent and respectable persons in those provinces [is evidenced by letters from the governors now on our table and from] the latter having applied for, and accepted the Office of Distributor of the Stamps under that Act, which they certainly would not have done [thereby exposing their lives and fortunes, had they considered the success of the act precarious:]

[bf:] Their Interest blinded them.

[and we have heard of no “impracticability” attending the act in Jamaica, Barbados,] and some other of the West India islands, or in those of our Colonies in North America, where it has been executed.

[bf:] West India Islands. Jamaica divided—Barbados weak. St. Kits and some others burnt the Stamps. Canada, New Subjects and Soldiers, Halifax, few People. Georgia Ditto. Both Parl[iamentar]y Colonies.
Fourthly.

Because, a Precedent of the two Houses of Parliament, lending their Power, from motives of Fear or Impatience under a present uneasiness, to overturn in one month a Plan of Measures, undertaken with their warmest Approbation and Concurrence, after the most mature deliberation of two years together,

[bf:] but one year and no Deliberation, no Debate in the Lords.

for the improvement of our Revenue, and the relief of our People

[bf: Ay there!]

will effectually discourage all officers of the Crown in America from doing their duty, and executing the Laws of this Kingdom;

[bf:] Likely, ’till those Laws are more reasonable or better founded.

and is enough to deter future Ministers, in any circumstances of distress or danger to their Country, from opposing their fortitude and zeal for the service of the Publick, to strong Combinations of private and particular Interests, to the Clamour of Multitudes, or the Malice of Faction [which will create such weakness as will soon end in the downfall of the State].

[bf:] The Clamour of Multitudes. It is good to attend to it. It is wise to foresee and avoid it. It is wise, when neither foreseen nor avoided, to correct the Measures that give Occasion to it. Glad the Majority have that Wisdom.
Lastly.

Because, the Repeal of this Law under the present Circumstances, will, we fear,

[bf:] Do not fear, my Lords, this is an unnecessary Timidity.

not only surrender the Honour and essential Interests of the Kingdom now and for ever, both at home and abroad,

[bf:] The Honour and essential Interests to be maintained by Equity and Justice.

but will also deeply affect the fundamental Principles of our Constitution;

[bf:] They are mistaken. Legislation over the Colonies is not one of them.

for if we pass this Bill against our Opinion, from the Threats and Compulsion publickly avowed in our Colonies, and enforced by the most unjustifiable means within Great Britain, we disclaim that Legislative Authority over the subjects, which we own ourselves unable to maintain.

[bf:] over the Subjects within the Realm you have it. I do not disclaim. You are able to maintain it: for the People are willing you should.

[If the lords give assent to this bill without conviction that it is right, merely because it has passed the Commons,] we in effect annihilate this branch of the Legislature, and vote ourselves useless. Or if by passing this Bill, we mean to justify those, who in America, and even in Great Britain, have treated a series of British Acts of Parliament as so many Acts of Tyranny and Oppression, which it is scarcely criminal to resist;

[bf:] They are such when extended beyond the Realm to take Money without Consent.

[or to justify] those officers of the Crown, who, under the eye, and with the knowledge of Government, have taken upon themselves, whilst the Parliament was Sitting, without its Consent, to suspend the Execution of the Stamp Act, by admitting Ships from the Colonies, with unstampt Clearances, to an Entry, in direct Violation of it,

[bf:] Would you seize your own Property? Quy the Act.

[which appears to have been done;] we shall then give our approbation to an open breach of the first Article of that great Palladium of our Liberties, the Bill of Rights;* [which declares the suspending of laws without the consent of Parliament to be illegal].

*[bf:] Wish your Lordships had attended to that other great Article of the Palladium “Taxes shall not be laid but by common Consent in Parliament.” We Americans were not there to give our Consent.

Lastly, If we ground our Proceedings upon the Opinion of those who have contended in this House, that from the Constitution of our Colonies they ought never to be taxed,†

†[bf:] meaning here. No body thinks they ought not to tax themselves.

even for their own immediate Defence, we fear that such a Declaration, by which near a fifth part of the subjects of Great Britain, who by the Acts of Parliament to restrain the Pressing of Seamen in America, are already exempted from furnishing Men to our Navy, are to be for ever exempted from contributing their share towards their own support in money likewise, will, from the flagrant Partiality and Injustice of it,

[bf:] No, no. they never did or will desire it. Fact wrongly Stated.

either depopulate this Kingdom, or shake the basis of Equality, and of that Original Compact, upon which every Society is founded; and as we believe, that there is no instance of such a permanent Exemption

[bf: No Exemptions desired]

of so large a body of the subjects of any State in any History, antient or modern, we are extremely apprehensive of the fatal Consequences

[bf:] too apprehensive. No bad Consequences will arise.

of this unhappy Measure

[bf: rather happy];

to which, for these Reasons, in addition to those contained in the Protest of the 11th of this month, our Duty to the King, and Justice to our Country, oblige us to enter this our Solemn Dissent. [Here follow the names of 28 members of the House of Lords who signed this Protest. As BF had done with the first Protest, he underlined the names of the Earls of Abercorn, Ker, and Eglintoun, as Scots of whose right to deal with colonial matters he had there expressed doubts.]

[bf:] My Duty to the King and Justice to my Country, will I hope justify me if I likewise protest, which I do with all Humility, in behalf of myself and of every American, and of our Posterity, against your Declaratory Bill, that the Parliament of Great Britain, hath not never had, and of Right never can have without our Consent, given either before or after Power to make Laws of sufficient Forces to bind the Subjects in America in any Case, whatever and particularly in Taxation.

[On the next three pages appears “A List of the Lords who Voted and Protested against the Repeal of the American Stamp Act, March 11, 1766,” that is, at the second reading. The list includes the names of 71 individuals, 10 of whom acted by proxy. There were 7 dukes (including the King’s brother, the Duke of York), 33 earls, 6 viscounts, 17 barons, and 8 bishops.]

[bf, on the final blank page of the pamphlet:] I can only judge of others by myself. I have some little Property in America. I will freely spend 19 Shillings in the Pound to defend my Right of giving or refusing the other Shi[lling] and after all, if I cannot defend that Right, I can retire chearfully with my little Family into the Boundless Woods of America which are sure to afford Freedom and Subsistence to any Man who can bait a Hook or pull a Trigger.
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